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Concentrating on developments in labor and employment law, including wrongful terminations, duty of fair representation, discrimination, retaliation, Merit Systems Protection Board (MSPB) issues, privacy issues, arbitration and mediation and FMLA. We concentrate on labor and employment law, including; but not limited to: race, sex, color, national origin, religious, disability, age, veterans discr

imination; whistleblower actions, workplace privacy, wrongful termination, matters before federal (EEOC) and state anti-discrimination agencies, the National Labor Relations Board (i.e., duty of fair representation, unfair union elections, unpaid wages or overtime (the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA)(or Wage and Hour claims)), contracts, arbitration/mediation, collective bargaining, and if applicable, previous salary history and criminal history discrimination.

Microsoft Followed Law in Gaza Protest Firings, NLRB Lawyers SaySept. 1, 2026, 4:57 PM EDT, George Weykamp, Reporter [Fr...
09/02/2026

Microsoft Followed Law in Gaza Protest Firings, NLRB Lawyers Say
Sept. 1, 2026, 4:57 PM EDT, George Weykamp, Reporter [From: Bloomberg Law].

Microsoft Corp.'s firing of workers protesting Israel over the war in Gaza didn’t violate federal labor law because the event was not focused on improving the terms and conditions of employment at the tech company, according to an NLRB advice memo.

The protesters’ actions weren’t wasn’t protected by the National Labor Relations Act because the demonstration they held at Microsoft’s Redmond, Wash. campus wasn’t designed for “mutual aid or protection” of the workforce, National Labor Relations Board attorneys said.

The directive, dated July 10, instructed the board’s regional office in Seattle to dismiss the charges it had pending against the company for unlawful termination. The complaint was ultimately withdrawn and the case was closed, allowing for public release of the memo Aug. 30.

It clarifies the general counsel’s stance on whether protests that aren’t directly related to work are protected by federal labor law. The Seattle region originally requested the memo from the advice division, which also sits within the general counsel’s office.

Microsoft fired two employees in 2024 after they organized a walk out and vigil— which was also advertised to non-employees — focused on opposing what they viewed as the tech industry’s support for Israel.

The workers had disobeyed the company’s orders to hold the event, which was timed to coincide with a day of action planned by advocacy group, No Tech for Apartheid, on nearby public property instead.

In the memo, the advice division rejected arguments that the protest was for “mutual aid” because the workers believed that Microsoft’s relationship with Israel could harm public perception, which would ultimately impact employees’ compensation.

“Such a link to terms and conditions is too attenuated to satisfy this element,” the memo said.

The attorneys also said in a footnote that General Counsel Crystal Carey disagreed with the NLRB’s 2024 decision in Home Depot and planned to urge the board to overturn it. In Home Depot a previous Democratic-controlled board said the company’s policy banning “Black Lives Matter” insignia violated federal labor law.

Attorneys for Morgan, Lewis & Bockius, LLP, which represented Microsoft, didn’t respond to a request for comment.

The case is Microsoft Corporation, N.L.R.B. Gen. Coun. Advice Memo., Case 19-CA-364190, memo made public 8/30/26.

Deep DiveEEOC Flexes Its Subpoena Power With Corporate Diversity ProbesSept. 2, 2026, 5:15 AM EDT, Tobi Raji, Reporter [...
09/02/2026

Deep Dive
EEOC Flexes Its Subpoena Power With Corporate Diversity Probes
Sept. 2, 2026, 5:15 AM EDT, Tobi Raji, Reporter [Bloomberg Law].

The success of two DEI-related subpoena enforcement actions affirms the EEOC’s broad power to compel employers to share information with the agency as it ramps up investigations into alleged anti-White discrimination.

The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission recently ended its subpoena enforcement lawsuit against Nike Inc. in Missouri federal court after the company provided the requested material. In July, a Wisconsin federal judge found that the EEOC had the authority to subpoena diversity data from Northwestern Mutual life Insurance Co.

As the commission rushes to fulfill President Donald Trump’s expansive anti-diversity, equity, and inclusion agenda, the EEOC has relied on subpoenas to force schools and businesses to share information with the agency to steer its bias probes. A powerful tool in its investigative arsenal, subpoenas provide information that may help the agency determine whether to ultimately initiate litigation.

“Even the threat of enforcement and these subpoena enforcement actions can have a chilling effect on companies and institutions, and induce them to either revise or entirely eliminate programs and practices which may actually be perfectly legal,” said Maya Raghu, national director of the Protecting and Advancing Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion Initiative at the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law.

The commission, under Chair Andrea Lucas, has requested very broad information and isn’t providing employers with sufficient time to gather it, some Democratic former EEOC officials said.

An EEOC spokesperson said the agency doesn’t comment on ongoing litigation.

“The agency does enjoy broad authority to investigate,” David Fortney, co-founder of management-side firm Fortney Scott LLC, said, adding that it reflects Congress’s judgment that the EEOC should have the tools it needs to uncover unlawful discrimination and put an end to it.

“On the other hand, it has to be used responsibly and the court ultimately is kind of the guardian of that,” he said.

The agency filed just four subpoena enforcement actions in fiscal year 2020, the latest report from its Office of General Counsel showed. Enforcement actions have risen overall since then, reaching 15 in 2023 and 13 in 2024 and 2025.

EEOC bias probes have drawn criticism from both sides of the aisle. Senate Republicans accused the Obama-era EEOC of using “questionable tactics” to press its enforcement goals, including allegedly overusing commissioner charges to conduct widespread systemic investigations without a relevant employee complaint.

The US Supreme Court cautioned in a key 1984 opinion that while the commission has broad authority through Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act to access material that “might cast light” on allegations, the statute’s relevance requirement cannot be interpreted so liberally that it is nullified.

Nike Request

The EEOC subpoenaed Nike seeking employment and layoff data by race. It requested information about the company’s organizational structure and diversity programs, including participant names and eligibility criteria.

The agency is investigating Lucas’s commissioner charge accusing Nike of pattern and practice discrimination against White workers.

In a petition to the EEOC asking it to revoke the subpoena, Nike called the charge “impermissibly vague and overbroad” because it did not name a specific allegation or aggrieved individual.

“You’re basically just going on a fishing expedition on the basis of some broad supposition about what might be going on based on publicly available information and/or generic demographic information about the workforce,” Stacy Hawkins, a Rutgers professor of law, said of such charges.

Though Nike ultimately provided the information, ending the enforcement action in the US District Court for the Eastern District of Missouri, judges have historically declined to enforce subpoenas when they think the EEOC is engaging in a fishing expedition, Raghu said.

In EEOC v. TriCore Reference Laboratories, the US Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit declined to enforce a subpoena for being “overbroad” in probing a single worker’s charge when the agency sought to then identify all workers who had been pregnant at the company.

Bringing the Nike enforcement action pushed an otherwise confidential DEI probe into the spotlight.

“There is an interest in using the subpoena enforcement process potentially as a way to make public the allegations in the charge, which otherwise would not be made public at that stage under Title VII,” said Jenny Yang, a former Democratic EEOC chair, now a partner at Outten & Golden.

Ex- EEOC general counsel David Lopez, who served during the Obama administration, warned judges may become impatient with the agency if it continues to file enforcement requests, issue press releases, and then withdraw the requests.

“The EEOC has broad authority, no doubt, in subpoenas, but you’re going to bump into questions of whether the goal is to get the press release and get this in the public sphere as opposed to obtaining the information,” Lopez said.

Northwestern Mutual
The EEOC Northwestern Mutual subpoena sought information on the company’s DEI practices, its human resources information systems, and the metrics used for financial rewards for employees and managers.

Unlike the Nike commissioner charge, the Northwestern Mutual charge was filed by a worker — a White male who alleges the company’s DEI practices were discriminatory.

Northwestern Mutual had urged the US District Court for the Eastern District of Wisconsin to deny the enforcement request because the agency couldn’t specify which employment practices were unlawful.

However, in his July 27 order, Judge Brett H. Ludwig said the EEOC “plainly satisfies” statutory and regulatory requirements, by noting the method of discrimination, positions impacted, and the timing.

Ludwig, a Trump appointee, cited the Seventh Circuit’s 1995 ruling in EEOC v. Quad/Graphics, which found that the EEOC can investigate charges of systemic discrimination against employees without first specifying which jobs may have been impacted.

The EEOC will likely use Ludwig’s ruling to build a case alleging widespread systemic discrimination, said Anne Lofaso, a professor at the University of Cincinnati College of Law.

“We know that the Trump administration is particularly aggressive on DEI and so-called ‘reverse discrimination’ cases,” she said.

MERIT SYSTEMS PROTECTION BOARD MODIFIES RULE FOR HANDING OUT DISCIPLINARY PENALTIES.The Trump administration will have m...
09/02/2026

MERIT SYSTEMS PROTECTION BOARD MODIFIES RULE FOR HANDING OUT DISCIPLINARY PENALTIES.

The Trump administration will have more leeway in disciplining federal employees under a new final rule from the Merit Systems Protection Board. https://public-inspection.federalregister.gov/2026-18061.pdf

The new regulation rolls back the DOUGLAS FACTORS, see Douglas v. VA, 5 MSPR 280, 305-306 (1981), a list of factors utilized in the discipline of federal employees for the past 45 years, to determine an appropriate disciplinary penalty. The new regulations provide that federal agencies are “entitled to substantial deference” in disciplining employees.

The Douglas Factors framework weighed the seriousness of the offense, the employee’s rehabilitation potential, the employee’s prior record, and other factors. Under the MSPB rule, agencies will no longer have to address them in every case, giving officials more latitude.

The MSPB said it can still overturn agency decisions based on the “totality of circumstances” and the principles outlined in the Douglas Factors.

“What ends is the treatment of the twelve factors as a compulsory analytic code,” the agency wrote. “The expectation that every factor be recited in every case, the litigation of penalty appeals as audits of factor-recitation, and any premise that an otherwise reasonable penalty may be disturbed because a decision letter or an initial decision did not march through an enumerated list.”

The regulation is set to be published Thursday in the Federal Register and go into effect 30 days later.

[Article reprinted in part from Merit Board Rule Gives Trump Agencies Broader Disciplinary Power, Sept. 2, 2026, 10:01 AM EDT, Ian Kullgren, Senior Reporter, Bloomberg Law; Photo: Shutterstock).

William B. Cowen Appointed Chief Counsel to Board Member James R. Macy National Labor Relations Board sent this bulletin...
08/25/2026

William B. Cowen Appointed Chief Counsel to Board Member James R. Macy National Labor Relations Board sent this bulletin at 08/25/2026 11:10 AM EDT

August 25, 2026

WASHINGTON — Today, National Labor Relations Board Member James R. Macy announced the appointment of veteran NLRB official William B. Cowen as his Chief Counsel.

Mr. Cowen most recently served as Acting Associate General Counsel for the Division of Operations-Management following his appointment by General Counsel Crystal S. Carey on January 14, 2026. Prior to that, he served as Acting General Counsel of the NLRB following his appointment by President Donald J. Trump in February 2025.

Mr. Cowen began his NLRB career in 1979 and held a variety of positions at Headquarters and in the field before entering private practice in 1985. President George W. Bush appointed him to serve as a Member of the Board in 2002, a position he held from January 22 through November 22 of that year. He subsequently served as Executive Assistant (Chief of Staff) to Chairman Robert J. Battista and, from 2006 to 2016, as the Board’s Solicitor. In 2016, Mr. Cowen was appointed Regional Director of Region 21 in Los Angeles, where he served until his appointment as Acting General Counsel in February 2025.

“I could not be more pleased to welcome Bill Cowen as my Chief Counsel,” said Member Macy. “Bill’s distinguished career at the Board, serving in numerous leadership roles across the Agency, brings an exceptional depth of knowledge of the National Labor Relations Act and a wealth of institutional experience. I look forward to benefiting from his counsel as we carry out the important responsibilities entrusted to the Board.”

Mr. Cowen holds a B.A. in Mathematics from Case Western Reserve University, a Master of Theological Studies from Wesley Theological Seminary, and a J.D. from Cleveland-Marshall College of Law at Cleveland State University.

Illinois expands workplace protections and accommodations for menopause-related conditions(August 21, 2026) - Illinois h...
08/24/2026

Illinois expands workplace protections and accommodations for menopause-related conditions

(August 21, 2026) - Illinois has enacted new workplace protections for employees experiencing menopause-related conditions. Gov. J.B. Pritzker signed Public Act 104-0793 (https://bit.ly/4gHTnQq) (HB 5284), known as the Illinois Menopause Equity and Care Act, on August 7, 2026.

The law amends the Illinois Human Rights Act (IHRA) and requires employers to provide reasonable accommodations and updated workplace notices related to menopause-related conditions. Most employment provisions take effect January 1, 2027, while related health insurance coverage requirements become effective January 1, 2028.

The new law places menopause-related conditions within Illinois' existing framework for pregnancy-related workplace protections, expanding employers' accommodation obligations and compliance responsibilities.
Menopause-related conditions receive workplace protections
The legislation defines menopause-related conditions to include perimenopause, menopause, and associated symptoms and conditions, including vasomotor symptoms, sleep disruption, cognitive or mood changes, and osteoporosis-related changes. By incorporating these conditions into the IHRA's pregnancy accommodation provisions, the law requires employers to engage in the reasonable accommodation process when employees are affected by such conditions.

New accommodation and notice requirements

Employers must be prepared to provide reasonable accommodations, which may include flexible scheduling, modified work hours, and temperature- or climate-adjusted workspaces where appropriate. The law also expands workplace notice requirements, requiring employers to inform employees of their rights to accommodations for pregnancy-related conditions, including menopause-related conditions.
Health coverage changes follow in 2028
In addition to workplace protections, the Act includes health insurance provisions requiring certain individual and group health plans to cover medically necessary evaluation and treatment related to perimenopause and menopause beginning January 1, 2028. Employers should review workplace policies, accommodation procedures, and employee notices before the law's 2027 effective date.

A version of this article originally appeared on Checkpoint News.
By Checkpoint News staff

REPRINTED FROM WESTLAW LABOR AND EMPLOYMENT DAILY BRIEFING [PHOTO: Shutterstock]

Punching In: Cash-Strapped Federal Union Demands Ticket to RideAug. 17, 2026, 5:00 AM EDT, Ian Kullgren, Senior Reporter...
08/18/2026

Punching In: Cash-Strapped Federal Union Demands Ticket to Ride
Aug. 17, 2026, 5:00 AM EDT, Ian Kullgren, Senior Reporter and Chris Marr, Senior Correspondent [Reprinted from Bloomberg Law News]

NTEU’s New Deadline| Sectoral Bargaining Pitch

Ian Kullgren: The National Treasury Employees Union set a Sept. 5 deadline for workers to start paying dues voluntarily or surrender their representation benefits, a union official with knowledge of the move tells Punching In.

It’s an uncharted legal tactic in organized labor’s fight against President Donald Trump’s 2025 executive orders that canceled contracts for more than 1 million workers.

The financial stakes for NTEU are enormous. After Trump’s first order in March 2025, the union told a federal court it could lose $25 million over the following year, more than half its annual revenue. The White House used a broad interpretation of “national security” work to justify canceling the agreements and ending more agency contracts that August.

NTEU is now looking to tackle the free-rider problem that has long vexed organized labor. Federal unions are required by law to represent everyone covered by a collective bargaining agreement regardless of whether they pay dues — the same challenge faced by unions in right-to-work states.

But that requirement was contingent upon a contract in effect that included all eligible workers, according to the union official, who wasn’t authorized to speak publicly. Now that the agreements are no longer in effect, NTEU believes it has no obligation to represent workers who don’t choose to pay fees, the official said.

An NTEU spokesman declined to comment. The move was first reported by Government Executive.

The NTEU deadline, which falls on the Saturday of Labor Day weekend, represents a measure to contain expenses while the union wages a costly court battle. The US Court of Appeals for the DC Circuit allowed Trump’s order to take effect while NTEU’s case proceeds, but no federal appeals court has ruled on the underlying legality.

Federal employees rally in support of their jobs outside of the Kluczynski Federal Building on March 19, 2025, in Chicago.
Federal employees rally in support of their jobs outside of the Kluczynski Federal Building on March 19, 2025, in Chicago. Photographer: Scott Olson/Getty Images
Chris Marr: States could significantly expand the use of sectoral bargaining for workers who aren’t covered by federal labor law under model legislation released by advocates, including the National Labor Relations Board’s former top lawyer Jennifer Abruzzo and labor ex-solicitor Seema Nanda.

The model bill, organized and released by Harvard’s Center for Labor and a Just Economy, proposes setting up state boards that could oversee industrywide bargaining for groups of workers who request it. The center introduced a version with expansive board powers and an alternative with more limited authority.

The concept is partly inspired by laws enacted in California, Illinois, and Massachusetts establishing state-supervised procedures for ride-hailing service drivers to negotiate for industrywide pay, benefits, and job protection standards with Uber Technologies Inc., Lyft Inc., and their competitors.

The bill proposes a “legal infrastructure to go beyond just Uber and Lyft or rideshare drivers, like a more all-purpose legislation,” said Sharon Block, the Harvard center’s executive director and a former NLRB member.

Sectoral bargaining is more common in other countries including parts of Europe but tends to conflict with US labor law, which calls for bargaining between individual companies and their employees. Worker advocates and unions have pushed for its expansion, while business groups including the US Chamber of Commerce have opposed it.

The National Labor Relations Act preempts states from regulating most private-sector union activity, so the state-run sectoral bargaining would be limited to workers who are exempt from federal law such as independent contractors and agricultural and domestic workers, said Block.

State laws like this also could act as a backstop in case the NLRA is found unconstitutional through one of several pending legal challenges.

A handful of states tried a different approach to backstopping workers’ federal labor rights last year while the NLRB lacked a quorum and faced litigation threatening its authority. California, New York, and Washington enacted legislation claiming jurisdiction for their states’ public employment relations boards over private-sector union matters that the NLRB fails to claim in one way or another.

Courts blocked the California and New York laws, finding them preempted by the NLRA.

States also have pursued narrower and more gradual approaches to sector-wide wage and benefits setting. These include state-run standards boards for Minnesota’s nursing home industry and California’s fast food workers.

“There’s definitely been a greater interest in these sectoral approaches and experiments,” Block said. “We’re very inspired by that.”

[Photo: Canstock]

Deep DiveTrump Defangs Independent Watchdog of Civil Service DisputesAug. 17, 2026, 5:00 AM EDT, Ian Kullgren, Senior Re...
08/18/2026

Deep Dive
Trump Defangs Independent Watchdog of Civil Service Disputes
Aug. 17, 2026, 5:00 AM EDT, Ian Kullgren, Senior Reporter [Reprinted from Bloomberg Law News, Daily Labor Report]

For nearly half a century, the Merit Systems Protection Board has existed to shield civil servants from political reprisal.

But over the past several months, the Trump administration has eroded the panel’s authority in a series of steps that some former officials say have left the board a shell of the institution it once was.

Technical changes, legal theories recast along ideological lines, and conservative-leaning court decisions have moved some of the MSPB’s core responsibilities to other agencies or hollowed them out altogether. The changes are part of a wider overhaul that the Trump administration says will improve efficiency, but one that critics say leaves workers without an independent panel to adjudicate allegations of wrongdoing.

“They’re taking the power that the MSPB has in determining federal employment, and they’re making federal employment, really, on an at-will basis,” said Michael Fallings, a partner at law firm Tully Rinckey, who specializes in federal employment. “If this continues, the MSPB will cease to function.”

Rules set to take effect next month will strip appeals from the MSPB and hand them to the Office of Personnel Management, an arm of the executive branch headed by a business partner of Trump mega-donor Marc Andreessen. The MSPB quietly scrubbed the word “independent” from its website—a reflection of a landmark US Supreme Court ruling that gave Trump broad authority to fire members of quasi-judicial boards. Efforts by the White House to reclassify thousands of workers could further limit the board’s involvement.

In the upcoming changes, the personnel office will wrest control of appeals over certain probationary employee terminations, suitability for federal service, and reduction-in-force layoffs. While the MSPB will continue to oversee other types of appeals, such as whistleblower retaliation and poor-performance discipline, skeptics say neither agency will fulfill the role of an independent auditor of the executive branch.

The OPM rules also prevent workers from appealing decisions to federal court — a right granted by law under the MSPB system.

“It’s that classic the fox guarding the henhouse,” said Raymond Limon, a Biden appointee to the MSPB whose term expired last year. Congress was trying to get away from cronyism when it passed the Civil Service Reform Act of 1978, “and now, we’re going back to it,” Limon added.

Scott Kupor, director of the Office of Personnel Management, during an interview in Washington on Aug. 11, 2025.
Scott Kupor, director of the Office of Personnel Management, during an interview in Washington on Aug. 11, 2025. Photographer: Al Drago/Bloomberg via Getty Images
The administration has said the appeals updates will reduce wait times while preserving independent review, with separate staff handling determinations and appeals. Other recent shifts allow agencies to scrutinize workers through background checks after they’re hired, change the layoff queue to prioritize performance over seniority, and issue nondisclosure agreements.

“The system is much too complex, and it takes much too long to get anything done,” said Donald Devine, who served as OPM director during the Reagan administration. “Almost anything done to speed it up is a good thing.”

In a July Substack post, OPM Director Scott Kupor wrote that the MSPB serves “a legitimate and important function” and said the changes aren’t intended to undermine independent review.

Before joining the administration last year, Kupor served as a managing partner at Andreessen Horowitz, one of Silicon Valley’s most influential venture capital firms. Founder Marc Andreessen gave $2.5 million to Trump in 2024, and the firm has taken a major role in shaping artificial intelligence policy in Washington.

“I will say this plainly: if our internal process does not deliver genuine independence and a fair opportunity to be heard, it will fail—and deservedly so,” Kupor wrote. “We are committed to building something that works, not just something that is faster.”

Henry Kerner and James Woodruff, the two Republicans on the MSPB, declined to comment through a spokesman.

“As you know, the MSPB generally speaks through its decisions,” spokesman Zachary Kurz said in an email.

‘Chipped Away’
While the three-member panel, created in the wake of the Watergate scandal, is made up of political appointees, it operated for decades without interference from the White House. Since the enactment of the Civil Service Reform Act, members could only be removed for neglect and malfeasance.

That changed in February 2025, when Trump fired Cathy Harris, a Democratic appointee who chaired the MSPB, and removed other Democrats from similar boards. The terminations teed up a legal challenge in Trump v. Slaughter that culminated in the high court’s conservative majority extending Trump’s authority to fire executive branch appointees for any reason.

While there’s still some question around how the ruling affects the MSPB specifically, members nevertheless find themselves operating under the practical reality that they could be fired at any time.

“I don’t see how anybody can operate under those conditions without being influenced in some way, or at least the appearance of it,” Harris said in an interview. “I would have made decisions in the way that I thought was right, or, if I was put under pressure, I would have resigned rather than do what I was told.”

One scenario, Harris said, is that the board could continue to rule based on ever-expanding interpretations of the president’s authority to fire workers, effectively rendering the administration’s actions “untouchable.”

“Through different means, the prior jurisdiction of the MSPB is being chipped away,” she said. “Pretty soon you’re left with a block of melted ice.”

The MSPB appeared to bend quickly to the Slaughter decision. Before the June ruling, the board called itself an “independent, quasi-judicial agency” on its website, according to screenshots accessible through the Internet Archive. The word “independent” was removed sometime thereafter and was nowhere to be seen as of Friday.

“It’s bad, but it’s a recognition that it’s not the independent agency it used to be,” said James Eisenmann, who previously served as general counsel and executive director during the Obama and first Trump administrations. “It’s becoming an arm of the Department of Justice.”

Presidential Power
Seven months after Harris was fired, a memo from the DOJ’s Office of Legal Counsel landed in MSPB inboxes. The language was legalistic, but the meaning was clear. Administrative judges, who serve as the front-line adjudicators of complaints to the board, were “empowered” going forward to consider Trump’s constitutional authority to fire members of the executive branch who “wield executive power on his behalf.”

This meant administrative judges were not to view cases exclusively through a statutory lens; they should also weigh Trump’s Article II powers, which many senior officials argue have few limits under the Unitary Executive Theory.

The Trump administration has also elevated the board’s role in civil servant disputes in federal court. Government attorneys frequently argue that workers are legally required to bring their complaints to administrative panels, often the MSPB and the Federal Labor Relations Authority, before they can reach court. Their argument would likely apply to OPM, too, once it takes over certain appeals.

One critical test case, Jackler v. MSPB, could expand the scope of the DOJ’s interpretation and the Supreme Court’s decision in Slaughter. It grapples with the independence of potentially thousands of front-line adjudicators and whether they qualify as “inferior officers” who can be fired at will.

In March, the Republican-controlled MSPB endorsed the administration’s view that it can fire immigration judges housed at the DOJ, saying it lacked jurisdiction to block the attorney general’s decision. The case is currently before the full US Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit.

“Protection for those adjudicators is important for the system because people who appear before those adjudicators want to know they’re getting a fair hearing,” said Nathaniel Zelinsky, an attorney representing the immigration judges. “And if the federal government’s political actors intervene in their case, they want to see that intervention openly.”

In June, the White House launched a plan years in the making to reclassify thousands of government workers under a new, quasi-political designation known as Schedule Policy/Career. Rooted in Trump’s deep distrust of the “deep state” in the federal government, it applies to certain high-level career officials who could be fired without cause or due process.

Designees notably can’t challenge their reclassification before the MSPB.

Labor Inspector General Extends Power Over Unions, H-1B FraudAug. 18, 2026, 5:10 AM EDT, Parker Purifoy, Reporter [Repri...
08/18/2026

Labor Inspector General Extends Power Over Unions, H-1B Fraud
Aug. 18, 2026, 5:10 AM EDT, Parker Purifoy, Reporter [Reprinted from Bloomberg Law News]

Anthony D’Esposito, a Republican ex-congressman turned Labor Department inspector general, is stretching his office’s traditional authority to investigate union leaders and employer visa fraud, sparking fresh criticisms he’s using the post to further the Trump administration’s agenda.

The recent Office of Inspector General probes are delving into issues typically outside its purview, but spotlighted by the White House, former DOL officials and attorneys say. They’re prompting concerns from oversight groups that D’Esposito isn’t acting impartially, as his office requires.

Inspectors general are tasked with auditing and investigating wrongdoing within departments and their programs. In the past several years, the DOL OIG has focused mostly on the unemployment insurance system and the efficacy of the department’s enforcement measures.

D’Esposito announced last month that his office has issued “dozens” of subpoenas to employers suspected of H-1B visa fraud and would put so-called fraudsters behind bars. President Donald Trump has prioritized widespread immigration crackdowns in his second term.

Vic Goel, managing partner of Goel & Anderson LLP representing employers in immigration matters, said he’s never seen the labor OIG take an interest in worker visas.

“The IG has always had the authority to do these investigations but the interest to actually do them has certainly expanded,” he said.

The office also started investigating American Federation of Teachers President Randi Weingarten, a longtime Trump critic accused of improperly using union funds to write a book about teachers and authoritarian governments.

D’Esposito took the post after Trump fired 17 inspectors general in January 2025, including the DOL’s IG Larry Turner. The one-term New York lawmaker told Bloomberg Law in May he’s “never going to shy away” from his support for Trump’s agenda.

He added in an Aug. 12 emailed statement said he would “follow the facts, investigate within our jurisdiction and hold fraudsters accountable.”

“If prior Inspectors General ignored visa fraud, micromanaged investigators, or failed to follow the evidence, that’s their record—not my standard,” he said.

White House spokesperson Taylor Rogers said eliminating fraud isn’t controversial, it’s common sense.

“The Trump Administration will continue to root out fraud and serve as responsible stewards of the American people’s money,” she said.

OIG Jurisdiction

Michael Hayes, former director of the DOL’s Office of Labor Management Standards under President Barack Obama, said that while OLMS collaborates with the inspector general on some cases, it’s unusual for it to do so on the types of charges involved in the recent investigations.

The labor-management office enforces union financial laws and regulations, while the inspector general is authorized to investigate allegations of racketeering or connections to organized crime under the Inspector General Act of 1978.

“This seems like an OLMS investigation to me and maybe they’ve been involved,” Hayes said of the Weingarten probe. “But it certainly doesn’t look like racketeering from my perspective, so I’m not sure why the IG’s office is involved.”

Allegations against Weingarten started when anti-organizing group the Freedom Foundation accused her of spending hundreds of thousands of dollars on consultants and researchers for her book.

“If this becomes a regular thing, I imagine there would be pushback,” Hayes said of the IG’s involvement. “The IG’s office is authorized to look into racketeering and OLMS does all the other criminal investigations.”

Michael Bromwich, senior counsel at Steptoe LLP representing Weingarten, said he hasn’t received any communications from the IG’s office. He added that they know of no wrongoing by Weingarten or AFT staff in connection with the book.

“We would look forward to engaging with the IG at the earliest possible opportunity so we can demonstrate that there is no there there,” he said.

The IG’s investigation comes alongside a similar probe by House Reps. Tim Walberg (R-Mich.) and Rick Allen (R-Ga.), who said they were investigating leaders from the United Auto Workers, United Steelworkers, and three other unions over the use of dues revenue to fund political contributions and other lobbying efforts.

Alleged Visa Fraud
To launch his initiative on foreign worker visa compliance, D’Esposito said in an interview with Fox News that there was “without a doubt” fraud happening, saying his office had received tips from “whistleblowers” inside big companies.

He also suggested the fraud was tied to international cartels and human trafficking. The announcement came alongside a similar one from Vice President JD Vance’s anti-fraud task-force, in which D’Esposito participates.

The IG is focused on H-1B hiring as well as recruitment in the PERM labor certification process overseen by the Labor Department, which employers must clear before they can sponsor foreign workers for green cards.

“This isn’t just paperwork fraud—it’s the exploitation of vulnerable workers, forced labor, the displacement of American workers, and abusive human trafficking,” D’Esposito said in a July statement.

John Miano, an attorney with the Federation for American Immigration Reform, which advocates for stricter immigration policies, lauded D’Esposito.

“He has the ability to shine a light on the fraud,” he said.

But David Bier, director of immigration studies at the Cato Institute, said fraud wasn’t a rampant problem among skilled foreign workers.

“There’s going to be people who try to take advantage of government programs but it’s a mischaracterization to say this is by any means a common use of the H-1B visa and I question whether it’s the best use of the IG’s resources,” he said.

Immigration attorneys say D’Esposito’s rhetoric has escalated employer concerns about federal probes and potential criminal charges.

“This is terminology that you don’t ordinarily associate with H-1B investigations,” said Brian Coughlin, an immigration attorney with Fisher Phillips LLP. Companies could be hit with criminal charges on top of wage and hour penalties if they’re not complying with various regulations.

“I’m concerned that they’re going to conflate an employer’s potential noncompliance with very complicated esoteric prevailing wage guidelines and deliberate abuse of immigration programs,” he said.

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